Semiconductor bill courts foreign investment—with no labor or wage strings attached
S. 97 — Securing Semiconductor Supply Chains Act · Filed by Gary Peters (D-MI) · 2 cosponsors · Introduced Jan 15, 2025 · Passed chamber
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What it does
This bill directs the SelectUSA program at the Department of Commerce to coordinate with state economic development agencies and foreign allies to attract foreign investment into U.S. semiconductor manufacturing, particularly in vulnerable segments like fabrication, advanced packaging, and materials. It requires a report within two years on strategies to increase such investment and secure the domestic semiconductor supply chain, with no new federal funding required.
Why we flagged it
The bill's operative mechanism is not a subsidy or direct spending program but rather a coordination and reporting mandate for SelectUSA to work with states and allies to attract foreign semiconductor investment. It is fundamentally a government-facilitation and information-gathering exercise, not a regulatory change or appropriation.
What the text implies
- The bill does not specify labor standards, domestic-hiring requirements, or wage floors for foreign-invested semiconductor facilities, meaning foreign firms may establish low-wage manufacturing hubs in the U.S. without obligation to employ or train American workers at competitive rates.
- By coordinating with 'countries that are allies or partners' to exclude 'foreign adversaries,' the bill may implicitly authorize SelectUSA to steer investment toward certain geopolitical allies (e.g., Japan, South Korea, Taiwan) while blocking others, creating a de facto industrial policy without explicit statutory criteria.
- The bill requires no appropriation but mandates SelectUSA to execute new coordination duties using 'amounts otherwise available'—potentially diverting existing resources from other SelectUSA initiatives without transparency about trade-offs.
- The two-year reporting requirement creates a planning horizon but no enforcement mechanism; if SelectUSA's recommendations are ignored or underfunded, citizens have no recourse and no visibility into why the strategy failed.
Section numbers refer to the bill text the analysis read — linked under Primary records below.
Who it affects
The bill pursues a legitimate public goal—strengthening domestic semiconductor capacity for economic and national security—by leveraging private and foreign investment rather than direct government spending. However, the mechanism of attracting foreign direct investment into U.S. semiconductor production may benefit multinational corporations and foreign firms as much as domestic workers, and the bill contains no labor standards, wage protections, or local-hiring requirements to ensure ordinary
Who stands to gain
- foreign semiconductor manufacturers (TSMC, Samsung, SK Hynix, etc.)
- multinational semiconductor equipment suppliers
- state economic development agencies (indirect, through increased investment activity)
- U.S. semiconductor design and materials companies (potential supply-chain partners)
Named in the bill
SelectUSA, Department of Commerce, Executive Director of SelectUSA, Federal Interagency Investment Working Group, State-level economic development organizations, Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation, House Committee on Energy and Commerce, Secure and Trusted Communications Networks Act of 2019, Executive Order 13577, AMD, ON Semiconductor, HPE — and 2 more
Where it stands
2 cosponsors: 2 Republicans.
- Jan 15, 2025 — Introduced · Congress.gov: “Introduced in Senate”
- Jan 15, 2025 — Referred to Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation · Congress.gov: “Read twice and referred to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation”
- Mar 12, 2025 — Reported out of committee · Congress.gov: “Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. Ordered to be reported without amendment favorably”
- May 20, 2025 — Passed the Senate · Congress.gov: “Passed Senate without amendment by Unanimous Consent. (consideration: CR S3002; text: CR S3002-3003)”
Dates and quoted wording are Congress.gov's action record; the timeline shows status changes, not every procedural step.
Money around this bill
1 lobbying clients named this bill on 2 disclosure filings across 2 quarters, Dec 2025 to Jun 2026. Those filings disclosed $40,000 in lobbying spend. A filing names 18 bills on average, so that figure is what each filing reported, not a share belonging to this bill.
More lobbying clients named this bill than 0% of bills with at least one filing.
Gary Peters, the sponsor, reported $-186,100 in PAC receipts in the 2026 cycle.
- American Society for Reproductive Medicine — $40,000 on 2 filings
Lobbying Disclosure Act filings through Jul 16, 2026. A filing shows who paid to lobby on a bill it names, not what changed.
How this was measured
Analysis — Quorum's AI read the bill text published by Congress.gov (4,473 characters) on Jul 25, 2026. Section numbers in the findings refer to that text, linked below; transparency and hidden-provision scores are compared against the median of 16,222 analysed bills.
Status and sponsors — Congress.gov's bill record — actions, committee referrals and cosponsors — loaded nightly. The timeline shows status changes, not every procedural action.
Money — Senate Lobbying Disclosure Act filings whose specific-issue field names this bill for quarters ending Dec 2025 to Jun 2026. A filing's amount is reported whole beside the median number of bills a filing names; it is never divided across them. PAC receipts are FEC-reported contributions to the sponsor's candidate committee in the 2026 cycle.
As of — lobbying records through Jul 16, 2026 · page rendered 2026-10-20.
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