Federal bill creates 25-year retroactive liability for doctors who provided gender care.
S. 2907 — Chloe Cole Act · Filed by Marsha Blackburn (R-TN) · 12 cosponsors · Introduced Sep 18, 2025 · Referred to committee
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What it does
This bill prohibits health care professionals, hospitals, and clinics from providing puberty blockers, sex hormones, or gender-affirming surgeries to minors under 18, defining these treatments as 'chemical or surgical mutilation.' It creates a federal private right of action allowing individuals and their parents to sue providers for damages—including compensatory, non-economic, and punitive damages—for any such treatment provided to a child, with a 25-year statute of limitations. The bill applies retroactively to treatments provided before enactment and shifts the burden of proof to providers to demonstrate that treatments fall within narrow medical exceptions (intersex conditions, trauma, infection treatment, or detransition care).
Why we flagged it
The bill's operative mechanism is a federal prohibition on gender-affirming medical treatments for minors, enforced through a private right of action with strict liability and retroactive application. While framed as protecting children from 'mutilation,' the mechanism is a liability shield for plaintiffs and a liability expansion for providers, creating financial and legal exposure for past clinical decisions.
What the text implies
- Retroactive liability (section 4) exposes providers to lawsuits for treatments provided before enactment, potentially decades after care was delivered under then-prevailing standards of care. This creates open-ended litigation risk and may incentivize settlement even in defensible cases.
- The 'clear and convincing evidence' standard for exceptions (section 3) and affirmative defenses (section 4) reverses normal burden of proof, requiring providers to prove medical necessity rather than plaintiffs proving harm—a significant evidentiary advantage to claimants.
- The definition of 'sex' (section 2(7)) as 'immutable biological classification determined at conception' may conflict with state medical board standards and clinical guidelines from the American Medical Association, American Academy of Pediatrics, and Endocrine Society, creating a federal-state and federal-professional standard collision.
- Interstate commerce jurisdictional hooks (section 3(b)) are extremely broad—any payment made 'in or affecting interstate commerce' or any communication 'transmitted in interstate commerce' triggers federal jurisdiction, potentially capturing routine insurance claims and telemedicine consultations.
- The 25-year statute of limitations (section 6) means providers face litigation risk well into retirement, and individuals can sue at age 43 for treatments received at age 17, creating decades of tail liability and potential insurance unavailability.
Section numbers refer to the bill text the analysis read — linked under Primary records below.
Who it affects
The bill restricts minors' and parents' access to medical treatments that major medical organizations recognize as appropriate care for gender dysphoria, while creating expansive liability that may deter providers from offering any such care even in cases where it might be medically appropriate. The retroactive private right of action and strict liability provisions expose providers to decades of litigation risk, potentially reducing access to all gender-affirming care and chilling medical judgm
Who stands to gain
- plaintiff's personal injury attorneys
- litigation finance firms
- medical malpractice insurers (through increased premiums and claims)
Named in the bill
Chloe Cole, American Medical Association, American Academy of Pediatrics, Endocrine Society, BMY (Bristol Myers Squibb), GH (Guardant Health), PFE (Pfizer), DVA (DaVita), JNJ (Johnson & Johnson), U.S. District Courts, Department of Health and Human Services
Where it stands
12 cosponsors: 12 Republicans.
- Sep 18, 2025 — Introduced · Congress.gov: “Introduced in Senate”
- Sep 18, 2025 — Referred to Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions · Congress.gov: “Read twice and referred to the Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions”
Dates and quoted wording are Congress.gov's action record; the timeline shows status changes, not every procedural step.
Money around this bill
4 lobbying clients named this bill on 6 disclosure filings across 2 quarters, Dec 2025 to Jun 2026. Those filings disclosed $1,069,908 in lobbying spend. A filing names 8 bills on average, so that figure is what each filing reported, not a share belonging to this bill.
More lobbying clients named this bill than 72% of bills with at least one filing.
Marsha Blackburn, the sponsor, reported $133,620 in PAC receipts in the 2026 cycle.
- Medical Device Manufacturers Association — $620,000 on 2 filings
- Human Rights Campaign — $439,908 on 2 filings
- American Principles Project — $10,000 on 1 filing
- Family Research Council — $0 on 1 filing
Lobbying Disclosure Act filings through Jul 20, 2026. A filing shows who paid to lobby on a bill it names, not what changed.
How this was measured
Analysis — Quorum's AI read the bill text published by Congress.gov (11,026 characters) on Aug 18, 2026. Section numbers in the findings refer to that text, linked below; transparency and hidden-provision scores are compared against the median of 16,222 analysed bills.
Status and sponsors — Congress.gov's bill record — actions, committee referrals and cosponsors — loaded nightly. The timeline shows status changes, not every procedural action.
Money — Senate Lobbying Disclosure Act filings whose specific-issue field names this bill for quarters ending Dec 2025 to Jun 2026. A filing's amount is reported whole beside the median number of bills a filing names; it is never divided across them. PAC receipts are FEC-reported contributions to the sponsor's candidate committee in the 2026 cycle.
As of — lobbying records through Jul 20, 2026 · page rendered 2026-10-20.
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