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Bill expands child credits but eliminates tax breaks for single parents and high-tax states.

S. 1382 — Family First Act · Filed by Jim Banks (R-IN) · Introduced Apr 9, 2025 · Referred to committee

65%
Transparency
Typical bill: 82%
35/100
Hidden-provision risk
Typical bill: 15/100
2
Unrelated riders
No connection to the stated subject
High concernMixed Tax Restructuring: Family Credits +…

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What it does

This bill expands the child tax credit from $2,000 to $3,000–$4,200 per child (depending on age), makes it fully refundable, and creates a new $2,800 tax credit for pregnant mothers at 20+ weeks gestation. It also simplifies the earned income tax credit, eliminates the head-of-household filing status, removes the dependent exemption, eliminates the child-care tax credit for children under 17, and bars individuals from deducting state and local income taxes. Families with children and lower incomes benefit from the expanded credits; higher-income earners and single parents lose filing flexibility and deductions.

Why we flagged it

The bill is not a simple expansion or simplification—it simultaneously increases refundable credits for families with children while eliminating deductions and filing status options that benefit other groups. The net effect is a redistribution of tax benefits toward families with children and away from single filers and high-tax-state residents.

  • Section 203 eliminates the head-of-household filing status entirely, a structural tax change unrelated to child/family credits.
  • Section 205 bars individuals from deducting state and local income taxes, a broad tax increase unrelated to family credits.

What the text implies

  • The elimination of head-of-household status (section 203) will increase tax liability for millions of single parents, particularly single mothers, who currently benefit from more favorable tax brackets under that status. This is a direct cost to a demographic the bill nominally targets.
  • The SALT deduction elimination (section 205) will disproportionately harm residents of high-tax states (CA, NY, NJ, IL, MA), creating a de facto regional tax increase that benefits lower-tax states. This is a major redistribution not mentioned in the bill's title.
  • The pregnant-mother credit (section 102) ties tax benefits to medical certification of 20+ week gestation, creating a novel federal entanglement with pregnancy status and medical records. The certification form requires physician attestation under penalty of perjury, raising privacy and enforcement questions.
  • The bill caps the child tax credit at 6 children per taxpayer (section 101(d)), a hidden limitation that may affect large families and is not highlighted in the title.
  • The elimination of the dependent exemption (section 202) removes a deduction that benefited taxpayers claiming adult dependents (elderly parents, disabled adult children), narrowing the bill's family-benefit framing.

Section numbers refer to the bill text the analysis read — linked under Primary records below.

Who it affects

Lower- and middle-income families with children gain substantially from the expanded, fully refundable child tax credit and simplified EITC. However, single parents lose the head-of-household filing status (a significant tax increase), all individuals lose the SALT deduction (a major cost in high-tax states), and the dependent exemption elimination narrows deductions. The bill's benefits are concentrated on families with children; its costs fall on single filers, high-tax-state residents, and th

Who stands to gain

  • lower- and middle-income families with children (expanded child tax credit)
  • pregnant women at 20+ weeks gestation (new $2,800 credit)
  • workers with qualifying children (simplified EITC with higher credit percentage)

Named in the bill

Internal Revenue Code of 1986, Social Security Administration, IRS (Internal Revenue Service), Section 24 (child tax credit), Section 32 (earned income tax credit), Section 36C (redesignated child tax credit), Section 36D (new pregnant-mother credit), Section 164 (SALT deduction), Section 1 (tax brackets and filing status)

Where it stands

  • Apr 9, 2025 — Introduced · Congress.gov: “Introduced in Senate”
  • Apr 9, 2025 — Referred to Senate Committee on Finance · Congress.gov: “Read twice and referred to the Committee on Finance”

Dates and quoted wording are Congress.gov's action record; the timeline shows status changes, not every procedural step.

Money around this bill

1 lobbying clients named this bill on 1 disclosure filings across 1 quarter, Dec 2025 to Dec 2025. Those filings disclosed $0 in lobbying spend. A filing names 7 bills on average, so that figure is what each filing reported, not a share belonging to this bill.

More lobbying clients named this bill than 0% of bills with at least one filing.

Jim Banks, the sponsor, reported $553,626 in PAC receipts in the 2026 cycle.

  • Niskanen Center for Public Policy — $0 on 1 filing

Lobbying Disclosure Act filings through Jan 20, 2026. A filing shows who paid to lobby on a bill it names, not what changed.

How this was measured

Analysis — Quorum's AI read the bill text published by Congress.gov (29,280 characters) on Sep 21, 2026. Section numbers in the findings refer to that text, linked below; transparency and hidden-provision scores are compared against the median of 14,522 analysed bills.

Status and sponsors — Congress.gov's bill record — actions, committee referrals and cosponsors — loaded nightly. The timeline shows status changes, not every procedural action.

Money — Senate Lobbying Disclosure Act filings whose specific-issue field names this bill for quarters ending Dec 2025 to Dec 2025. A filing's amount is reported whole beside the median number of bills a filing names; it is never divided across them. PAC receipts are FEC-reported contributions to the sponsor's candidate committee in the 2026 cycle.

As of — lobbying records through Jan 20, 2026 · page rendered 2026-09-21.

“Bill expands child credits but eliminates tax breaks for single parents and high-tax states.” QuorumCivic. https://share.quorumcivic.app/bill/119/s1382 Report an error

Correlative observation from public records — not evidence of coordination or wrongdoing, and not financial advice.
This page is the record as of today. The app tells you when it changes.
Quorum analysis of the full bill text · 119th Congress · public record