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Federal law threatens to strip law-enforcement funding from cities that maintain gun-free zones

H.R. 7935 — Shall Not Be Infringed Act of 2026 · Filed by John McGuire (R-VA) · 1 cosponsor · Introduced Mar 16, 2026 · Referred to committee

75%
Transparency
Typical bill: 85%
35/100
Hidden-provision risk
Typical bill: 15/100
High concernFederal Mandate Overriding Local Gun Policy

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What it does

This bill creates a federal private right of action allowing people harmed by firearms in gun-free zones to sue state and local governments for damages, but only if the victim was legally authorized to carry a firearm in their home state and could theoretically have prevented the harm by carrying one. It enforces this requirement by threatening to withhold up to 99% of federal law-enforcement grant funding (Byrne-JAG and COPS grants) from any state or locality that does not repeal or modify gun-free zone policies to permit this lawsuit.

Why we flagged it

The bill's operative mechanism is a federal coercion scheme: it uses the threat of withholding law-enforcement grants to force states and localities to either eliminate gun-free zones or expose themselves to civil liability. This is not a straightforward regulation but a conditional-funding mandate designed to override local policy choices.

What the text implies

  • The bill's private right of action is contingent on a counterfactual: the victim must have been 'authorized to carry a firearm' in their home state AND the harm 'could...have been averted or mitigated' by carrying one. This creates a novel tort standard that requires courts to speculate about hypothetical armed self-defense, potentially opening governments to liability even when the victim's own s
  • The 99% funding reduction applies to Byrne-JAG and COPS grants, which fund local police departments, detective units, and community policing. Jurisdictions that refuse to repeal gun-free zones will face severe operational deficits, effectively punishing public safety infrastructure in communities that prioritize gun restrictions.
  • The bill does not define 'harmed by the use of a firearm by another' — it could encompass bystanders, property damage, or indirect harms, vastly expanding the class of potential plaintiffs and the scope of government liability.
  • States and localities have no affirmative defense based on the public-health rationale for gun-free zones (e.g., preventing mass shootings in schools or courthouses). The bill treats gun-free zones as per se unreasonable, regardless of local evidence or community judgment.

Section numbers refer to the bill text the analysis read — linked under Primary records below.

Who it affects

The bill imposes a federal mandate on states and localities to either eliminate gun-free zones or face near-total loss of law-enforcement funding, removing a local policy choice that many communities have made to reduce firearm harm in sensitive locations (schools, courthouses, government buildings). Citizens in jurisdictions that choose to maintain gun-free zones lose that protection and face the implicit threat that their local governments will be financially devastated if they do not comply.

Who stands to gain

  • Individuals who successfully sue states/localities under the private right of action
  • Firearms manufacturers and advocacy groups (indirect benefit from policy shift toward fewer gun rest

Named in the bill

States and units of local government, Edward Byrne Memorial State and Local Law Enforcement Assistance Programs, Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS), Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968, Gun-free zones (federal, state, local)

Where it stands

1 cosponsor: 1 Republicans.

  • Mar 16, 2026 — Introduced · Congress.gov: “Introduced in House”
  • Mar 16, 2026 — Referred to House Committee on the Judiciary · Congress.gov: “Referred to the House Committee on the Judiciary”

Dates and quoted wording are Congress.gov's action record; the timeline shows status changes, not every procedural step.

Money around this bill

1 lobbying clients named this bill on 1 disclosure filings across 1 quarter, Jun 2026 to Jun 2026. Those filings disclosed $540,000 in lobbying spend. A filing names 87 bills on average, so that figure is what each filing reported, not a share belonging to this bill.

More lobbying clients named this bill than 0% of bills with at least one filing.

John McGuire, the sponsor, reported $421,750 in PAC receipts in the 2026 cycle.

  • National Rifle Association of America — $540,000 on 1 filing

Lobbying Disclosure Act filings through Jul 16, 2026. A filing shows who paid to lobby on a bill it names, not what changed.

How this was measured

Analysis — Quorum's AI read the bill text published by Congress.gov (3,270 characters) on Apr 3, 2026. Section numbers in the findings refer to that text, linked below; transparency and hidden-provision scores are compared against the median of 16,222 analysed bills.

Status and sponsors — Congress.gov's bill record — actions, committee referrals and cosponsors — loaded nightly. The timeline shows status changes, not every procedural action.

Money — Senate Lobbying Disclosure Act filings whose specific-issue field names this bill for quarters ending Jun 2026 to Jun 2026. A filing's amount is reported whole beside the median number of bills a filing names; it is never divided across them. PAC receipts are FEC-reported contributions to the sponsor's candidate committee in the 2026 cycle.

As of — lobbying records through Jul 16, 2026 · page rendered 2026-10-20.

“Federal law threatens to strip law-enforcement funding from cities that maintain gun-free zones” QuorumCivic. https://share.quorumcivic.app/bill/119/hr7935 Report an error

Correlative observation from public records — not evidence of coordination or wrongdoing, and not financial advice.
This page is the record as of today. The app tells you when it changes.
Quorum analysis of the full bill text · 119th Congress · public record

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