Congress moves to make abortion more expensive through the tax code.
H.R. 73 — Abortion Is Not Health Care Act of 2025 · Filed by Andy Biggs (R-AZ) · 4 cosponsors · Introduced Jan 3, 2025 · Referred to committee
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What it does
This bill amends the tax code to prohibit taxpayers from deducting abortion expenses as medical expenses on their federal income taxes. Currently, the tax code allows a deduction for medical expenses paid during the year; this bill carves out abortion specifically, making those costs non-deductible. The effect is to increase the after-tax cost of abortion for anyone who itemizes deductions.
Why we flagged it
The bill's sole operative mechanism is to carve abortion out of the existing medical-expense deduction in the tax code. It does not ban abortion, regulate it, or fund alternatives; it uses the tax system to increase the relative cost of one specific medical service.
What the text implies
- The deduction applies only to taxpayers who itemize; those taking the standard deduction see no change. Effect is regressive — higher-income itemizers are more likely to benefit from any deduction, so the loss falls disproportionately on middle-income households.
- The bill does not define 'abortion' or reference existing medical/legal definitions, creating potential ambiguity about what procedures are covered (e.g., miscarriage treatment, ectopic pregnancy management, medication abortion).
- Effective date is prospective (taxable years after enactment), so no retroactive recapture, but creates a new compliance burden for tax preparers to identify and exclude abortion-related medical expenses.
Section numbers refer to the bill text the analysis read — linked under Primary records below.
Who it affects
Ordinary taxpayers who pay for abortion out-of-pocket lose a tax deduction available for other medical expenses, increasing their effective cost. The bill does not expand access, reduce prices, or improve health outcomes; it narrows a tax benefit specifically for one medical procedure, making it more expensive relative to other healthcare.
Named in the bill
Internal Revenue Code Section 213, U.S. Department of the Treasury, IRS
Where it stands
4 cosponsors: 4 Republicans.
- Jan 3, 2025 — Introduced · Congress.gov: “Introduced in House”
- Jan 3, 2025 — Referred to House Committee on Ways and Means · Congress.gov: “Referred to the House Committee on Ways and Means”
Dates and quoted wording are Congress.gov's action record; the timeline shows status changes, not every procedural step.
Money around this bill
1 lobbying clients named this bill on 1 disclosure filings across 1 quarter, Jun 2026 to Jun 2026. Those filings disclosed $420,000 in lobbying spend. A filing names 51 bills on average, so that figure is what each filing reported, not a share belonging to this bill.
More lobbying clients named this bill than 0% of bills with at least one filing.
Andy Biggs, the sponsor, reported $9,100 in PAC receipts in the 2026 cycle.
- Susan B Anthony List — $420,000 on 1 filing
Lobbying Disclosure Act filings through Jul 20, 2026. A filing shows who paid to lobby on a bill it names, not what changed.
How this was measured
Analysis — Quorum's AI read the bill text published by Congress.gov (608 characters) on Jun 8, 2026. Section numbers in the findings refer to that text, linked below; transparency and hidden-provision scores are compared against the median of 16,222 analysed bills.
Status and sponsors — Congress.gov's bill record — actions, committee referrals and cosponsors — loaded nightly. The timeline shows status changes, not every procedural action.
Money — Senate Lobbying Disclosure Act filings whose specific-issue field names this bill for quarters ending Jun 2026 to Jun 2026. A filing's amount is reported whole beside the median number of bills a filing names; it is never divided across them. PAC receipts are FEC-reported contributions to the sponsor's candidate committee in the 2026 cycle.
As of — lobbying records through Jul 20, 2026 · page rendered 2026-10-20.
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