Congress repeals DC's police-reform law, restoring pre-2022 rules.

What it does

This bill repeals most of the District of Columbia's 2022 Comprehensive Policing and Justice Reform Amendment Act, restoring DC law to its pre-2022 state. It carves out two exceptions: subtitle S (sections 5–365.01 et seq.) and subtitle A (sections 5–125.01 et seq. and 5–302), which remain in effect. The bill effectively undoes police accountability and criminal justice reforms enacted three years ago, except for those two preserved provisions.

Why we flagged it

The bill's operative mechanism is the repeal of a comprehensive police-reform statute. Despite the title's invocation of 'accountability,' the bill removes accountability measures that were in place, restoring a pre-reform legal regime.

What the text implies

• The two carve-outs (subtitle S and subtitle A) are not explained in the bill text; their scope and content are unknown from this document alone, creating uncertainty about what reforms actually survive.
• The bill does not specify which 2022 reforms are being repealed, forcing readers to consult the full 2022 Act to understand the practical impact on DC policing and criminal justice.
• Repeal of a comprehensive reform act may have cascading effects on DC police department policies, training, and civilian complaint procedures that are not itemized here.

Section numbers refer to the bill text the analysis read — linked under Primary records below.

Who it affects

DC residents lose police accountability measures, use-of-force restrictions, and criminal justice reforms enacted in 2022. The repeal restores a legal regime that existed before those protections were added, reducing civilian oversight and safeguards against police misconduct.

Who stands to gain

• DC Metropolitan Police Department (reduced compliance and oversight costs)

Named in the bill

District of Columbia Council, DC Metropolitan Police Department, House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, D.C. Law 24–345, D.C. Official Code sections 5–365.01, 5–125.01, 5–302

Where it stands

29 cosponsors: 28 Republicans, 1 Democrats.

• Sep 3, 2025 — Introduced · Congress.gov: “Introduced in House”
• Sep 3, 2025 — Referred to House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform · Congress.gov: “Referred to the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform”
• Sep 10, 2025 — Markup held in committee · Congress.gov: “Committee Consideration and Mark-up Session Held”
• Sep 10, 2025 — Reported out of committee · Congress.gov: “Ordered to be Reported (Amended) by the Yeas and Nays: 26 - 19”
• Nov 19, 2025 — Passed the House · Congress.gov: “On passage Passed by the Yeas and Nays: 233 - 190 (Roll no. 299).”

Dates and quoted wording are Congress.gov's action record; the timeline shows status changes, not every procedural step.

Money around this bill

4 lobbying clients named this bill on 4 disclosure filings across 2 quarters, Dec 2025 to Jun 2026. Those filings disclosed $75,000 in lobbying spend. A filing names 12 bills on average, so that figure is what each filing reported, not a share belonging to this bill.

More lobbying clients named this bill than 72% of bills with at least one filing.

Andrew Clyde, the sponsor, reported $122,592 in PAC receipts in the 2026 cycle.

• Council of the District of Columbia — $30,000 on 1 filing
• Conference of Provincials of North America — $20,000 on 1 filing
• National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers (nacdl) — $15,000 on 1 filing
• Dc Police Union — $10,000 on 1 filing

Lobbying Disclosure Act filings through Jul 20, 2026. A filing shows who paid to lobby on a bill it names, not what changed.