Congress mandates renewable energy audits—but stacks the deck against renewables
H.R. 3157 — State Energy Accountability Act · Filed by Nicholas Langworthy (R-NY) · 2 cosponsors · Introduced May 1, 2025 · Reported out
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What it does
This bill requires state utility regulators that have adopted renewable energy mandates (called 'intermittent energy policies') to publicly evaluate whether those mandates threaten grid reliability, can be met with in-state generation, and are driving up electricity rates. States must complete these evaluations within one year and publish the results. The bill defines 'reliable' generation as facilities that can run continuously for 30+ days and operate during emergencies—a definition that excludes most wind and solar.
Why we flagged it
The bill's stated purpose is transparency and evaluation of state renewable policies, but the operative definitions and evaluation criteria are structured to highlight renewable energy's limitations while defining 'reliability' in ways that favor dispatchable fossil fuels and nuclear generation. This creates a built-in bias in the evaluation framework itself.
What the text implies
- The definition of 'reliable generation facility' requiring 30+ days of continuous operation and on-site fuel supply excludes wind and solar by design, making it mathematically impossible for states to meet the evaluation criteria using renewables alone—effectively pressuring states to retain or expand fossil fuel capacity.
- The bill requires states to evaluate whether renewables can be 'replaced' with equivalent capacity from 'reliable' facilities, but since renewables cannot meet the bill's definition of reliable, this creates a logical trap that may force states to conclude renewables are inadequate.
- Requiring evaluation of whether states must import power from out-of-state 'reliable' sources (fossil fuels) frames interstate power imports as a failure of state policy, potentially creating political pressure to abandon renewable mandates in favor of in-state fossil generation.
- The one-year deadline for evaluation may be insufficient for rigorous grid reliability analysis, potentially forcing states to rely on preliminary or incomplete data that favors incumbent fossil fuel generators.
- States that have already adopted renewable policies must retroactively conduct these evaluations under the new framework, effectively reopening settled policy decisions and creating uncertainty for renewable energy investors.
Section numbers refer to the bill text the analysis read — linked under Primary records below.
Who it affects
The bill creates transparency and accountability for state renewable policies by requiring public evaluation of grid reliability impacts—a genuine public benefit. However, the bill's definition of 'reliable generation' is narrowly tailored to exclude renewables and favor fossil fuels and nuclear, potentially biasing state regulators toward abandoning or weakening renewable mandates even where they are working. The net effect depends on whether states use the evaluation honestly or whether the bi
Who stands to gain
- fossil fuel generators and utilities
- coal and natural gas power plants
- incumbent dispatchable generation operators
- utilities with existing fossil fuel fleets
Named in the bill
Public Utility Regulatory Policies Act of 1978, Federal Power Act Section 215, state regulatory authorities, electric utilities, bulk-power system operators, WEC (Alliant Energy), DUK (Duke Energy), CMS (CMS Energy), EOG (EOG Resources), DVN (Devon Energy)
Where it stands
2 cosponsors: 2 Republicans.
- May 1, 2025 — Introduced · Congress.gov: “Introduced in House”
- May 1, 2025 — Referred to House Committee on Energy and Commerce · Congress.gov: “Referred to the House Committee on Energy and Commerce”
- Jun 5, 2025 — Markup held in committee · Congress.gov: “Subcommittee Consideration and Mark-up Session Held”
- Jun 25, 2025 — Reported out of committee · Congress.gov: “Ordered to be Reported by the Yeas and Nays: 27 - 20”
Dates and quoted wording are Congress.gov's action record; the timeline shows status changes, not every procedural step.
Money around this bill
12 lobbying clients named this bill on 20 disclosure filings across 3 quarters, Dec 2025 to Jun 2026. Those filings disclosed $8,538,610 in lobbying spend. A filing names 46 bills on average, so that figure is what each filing reported, not a share belonging to this bill.
More lobbying clients named this bill than 93% of bills with at least one filing.
Nicholas Langworthy, the sponsor, reported $1,046,611 in PAC receipts in the 2026 cycle.
- Edison Electric Institute — $4,248,610 on 2 filings
- National Mining Association — $820,000 on 1 filing
- Puget Sound Energy — $750,000 on 2 filings
- Firstenergy Corp — $500,000 on 2 filings
- Itc Holdings Corp — $420,000 on 2 filings
Lobbying Disclosure Act filings through Jul 20, 2026. A filing shows who paid to lobby on a bill it names, not what changed.
How this was measured
Analysis — Quorum's AI read the bill text published by Congress.gov (4,664 characters) on Jun 3, 2026. Section numbers in the findings refer to that text, linked below; transparency and hidden-provision scores are compared against the median of 16,222 analysed bills.
Status and sponsors — Congress.gov's bill record — actions, committee referrals and cosponsors — loaded nightly. The timeline shows status changes, not every procedural action.
Money — Senate Lobbying Disclosure Act filings whose specific-issue field names this bill for quarters ending Dec 2025 to Jun 2026. A filing's amount is reported whole beside the median number of bills a filing names; it is never divided across them. PAC receipts are FEC-reported contributions to the sponsor's candidate committee in the 2026 cycle.
As of — lobbying records through Jul 20, 2026 · page rendered 2026-10-20.
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